The common refrain among critics of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government is that it has been "rattled" by the recent agitation by the Cockroach Janta Party over the NEET exam paper leak, forcing the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan as Education Minister.

The government's climbdown ended not just with Pradhan's exit. It promptly accepted all the other demands of the CJP, including monetary compensation for the families of students who died by suicide after the paper leak, and the withdrawal of FIRs, which is a routine action by the police, against protesters.

There is also a view in opposition circles that it will take time for the Modi government to recover from the setback in time for the next round of assembly elections in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa, Manipur and Himachal Pradesh, scheduled for 2027.

Will the CJP agitation influence the assembly elections, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, which is also the Prime Minister's parliamentary constituency, and Gujarat, Modi's home state?

Has the CJP agitation dented the perceived political and electoral invincibility of the Modi government? For more than a decade, the BJP has carefully crafted an image of the Modi government as one that takes firm decisions. The climbdown in responding to the CJP's demands, however, is not new.

During its 12 years in office, the Modi-led BJP has rolled back several decisions. True, the BJP has won three successive general elections under Modi's leadership since May 2014. But there have been a number of occasions when the party lost state polls, the most notable being in the heartland states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan in 2018.

While electoral defeats and policy reversals under public pressure are often interpreted as a decline in Modi's charisma, the assessment within the BJP is that they also present an opportunity for course correction and a recalibration of political strategy in line with changing public sentiment.

In 2015, the government proposed amendments to the Land Acquisition Act to facilitate infrastructure projects. Facing stiff opposition from farmers, political parties and social activists, the government withdrew the amendments.

In March 2018, the Supreme Court whittled down certain provisions of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, sparking protests from the SC/ST community and NDA allies.

The government first brought in an ordinance and later restored the original provisions through Parliament. The move, however, angered sections of the upper-caste community and was considered a factor in the BJP's defeat in the assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh in November 2018.

The government's three controversial farm laws in 2020 gave rise to widespread protests in Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The agitation at Delhi's borders lasted for about a year before the laws were repealed in November 2021. The BJP retained power in the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in 2022.

But the agitation by young people and students could prove to be a different ball game for the BJP in the run-up to next year's state elections and the 2029 parliamentary election because they make up a sizeable chunk of India's more than 900 million electorate.

That the BJP may have reason to worry is indicated by the fact that the daughters of at least two party leaders joined the CJP protests over the NEET exam paper leak.

The daughter of Assam Revenue and Disaster Management Minister Keshab Mahanta was reportedly seen at a student protest in Guwahati last Thursday. Purported videos also showed her criticising the Centre and opposing police action against protesters.

In Odisha, BJP MP Aparajita Sarangi's daughter posted on Instagram celebrating Pradhan's resignation, later writing: "All of BJP, including anyone I am related to, is with Dharmendra Pradhan. I am with the students. This is democracy."